The Rise of Women’s Sports Unlocks Unexpected Sponsorships
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The Rise of Women’s Sports Unlocks Unexpected Sponsorships

Unknown startups, female-focused companies and other brands with no prior dealings with sports are being named official sponsors of women’s leagues and teams

By KATIE DEIGHTON
Mon, Aug 12, 2024 8:49amGrey Clock 4 min

Makeup brands, hair-care startups and fertility clinics historically haven’t been associated with sports. Now they’re taking over game nights as the draw of elite women’s players, teams and leagues attracts new kinds of sponsors.

The menstrual care brand Sequel this week was named as the official tampon provider of USL Super League, for example, as the new professional women’s soccer league prepares to start play this month. The Kansas City Current, part of the National Women’s Soccer League, in December granted naming rights of its stadium’s main entrance to Helzberg Diamonds, its official jeweller.

And the Women’s National Basketball Association’s New York Liberty has accompanied familiar corporate sponsors such as the financial giant Barclays and hotel brand Marriott with newer partners such as the acne-focused skin-care company Hero, women’s workwear designer M.M.LaFleur and fertility centre RMA of New York.

“There were years where I would scratch my head as to why we weren’t garnering more endemic interests, like, why wouldn’t the beauty companies and the hair-care companies and the clothing companies want to align with women?” said Keia Clarke , chief executive of the Liberty. “Now, finding those brands is not hard.”

The new sponsors are being drawn by fans’ growing appetite and female athletes’ soaring cultural cachet and social-media reach.

“There’s interest from new brands that have never ventured into the sports space before because they weren’t appropriate for men’s sports,” said Erin Kane , vice president of women’s sports at Excel Sports Management, a management and marketing agency.

At the same time, lower prices to back women’s sports mean that a wider pool of businesses can get into the game if they so desire. Despite the growing spotlight, women’s sports are still cheaper to sponsor.

Breaking records

The surge in women’s sports comes as sports in general is ascendant in media and marketing. Game days are one of the last occasions standing that can reliably deliver large TV audiences and generate conversation on social media across most demographics.

April’s championship game of the National Collegiate Athletic Association’s women’s basketball tournament for the first time drew more viewers than the men’s equivalent, fuelled in part by hype around superstar Caitlin Clark . The hype also helped bring attention to the tournament as a whole; viewership of even games she wasn’t in rose 76% year-over-year. And much of the excitement around Team USA at this year’s Olympics has centred on its female stars, rugby player Ilona Maher, swimmer Katie Ledecky, and gymnast Simone Biles and her teammates .

Women’s elite sports will generate around $1.3 billion in revenue globally in 2024, up from $981 million in 2023 and $692 million in 2022, according to consulting firm Deloitte. Commercial deals, including sponsorships, will make up around 55% of that revenue, according to the company, which does not report similar figures for men’s sports.

By way of comparison, the National Basketball Association’s team sponsorship revenue alone was estimated to be worth $1.5 billion for the 2023-24 season, according to sports and entertainment data firm SponsorUnited.

Some companies previously found themselves sponsoring women’s sports as a result of dual packages—buy-one-get-one-style deals whereby sports businesses that owned and operated both men’s and women’s teams would offer partner status across both for a huge discount on the women’s side.

Those kinds of deals are no longer in fashion, sports executives said.

David King , senior vice president of corporate partnerships for the NBA’s Minnesota Timberwolves and the WNBA’s Minnesota Lynx, said he is discussing more brand deals that are specific to the Lynx.

“That wasn’t necessarily the case a few years ago,” King said. “I welcome the day there’s an onslaught of people calling us, but there’s certainly more now than there’s been before.”

Minneapolis-based hair-care company Odele became a sponsor after hearing the pitch about aligning with passionate women and supporting equality, despite the WNBA’s shorter season and lower viewership compared with the NBA.

“These athletes are at the forefront of what influencers can be and should be,” said Lindsay Holden , co-founder of the brand.

The team has been distributing samples, coupons and hosting giveaways at games, and presented a “get ready with me” TikTok series featuring Lynx players.

Brands with less tangible offerings have sought creative ways to activate their partnerships, and often with little-to-no experience in sports marketing, executives say.

RMA of New York, the New York Liberty fertility centre sponsor, introduced a campaign called “Let’s Go, Baby!” that filled the team’s Brooklyn arena with merch giveaways and scoreboard animations during a Pride-themed game in June. And birth-control medication Opill, a WNBA league sponsor since April, this season has set up booths designed to educate women on contraception at other events like the fan festival WNBA Live.

Pricing performance 

Women’s sports executives are now trying to narrow the price gap with men’s sponsorships.

“We’ve gotten pretty aggressive with what we’re asking our partners to spend,” said King, the Lynx executive, declining to confirm specific sponsorship costs. “We’re not going to grow our business by doing the $10,000, $20,000 and $30,000 deals anymore.”

Team owners and sales executives are trying to persuade marketers that women’s sports have more value in terms of engagement than has been historically recognised, even when viewership remains generally lower, games are often fewer or less frequent, and it’s still hard for top players to match the international star power of a Travis Kelce or Lionel Messi .

“Women’s sports is a brand conversation, it’s an engagement conversation—it’s less so a transactional, asset-based conversation,” said Laura Correnti , the founder and CEO of women’s sports firm Deep Blue Sports + Entertainment. “And so that requires teams to examine their pitch strategy, and not necessarily lead with how many people they reach.”

While a five-figure brand deal was once an acceptable number for WNBA sales teams, that’s no longer the case, said New York Liberty’s Clarke. The organisation in the past few years has regularly begun pitching and inking six-figure deals, and sometimes seven-figure deals, she said. The Liberty this season has 47 sponsors, up from 31 last season and 17 in 2022.

“It was easy before to dismiss the WNBA because the excuse was always, you don’t have the numbers. And now it’s like, well, we do have numbers, and we also have these really cool other attributes,” Clarke said.



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How Russia Profits From Ukraine Invasion by Selling Stolen Grain on a Global Black Market

Moscow’s war ‘is feeding itself’ as friends and backers cash in on crops from occupied territories

By BENOIT FAUCON
Mon, Sep 16, 2024 5 min

KYIV, Ukraine—Beyond the bombs and gunfire of Russia’s war in Ukraine , a parallel economic war is raging.

Its front line is on occupied Ukrainian farmlands, from which Russia and its partners have sold almost $1 billion in stolen grain on a burgeoning black market.

Moscow’s forces in Ukraine since 2022 have occupied some of Europe’s most fertile farmland. The occupiers have either seized harvests or bought them cheaply, often forcibly.

The business involves a wide network of clients who benefit from Moscow’s wartime patronage system, including a Russian shipyard equipping the invasion, a company affiliated with Iran’s Revolutionary Guard and a Crimean businessman who trades with Syria and Israel. Another company sells through the United Arab Emirates.

Trading the looted Ukrainian agricultural products keeps Russia’s allies funded and loyal to Moscow even as it faces mounting economic pressure , offering a sort of off-balance-sheet vehicle financing Kremlin objectives.

The Kremlin didn’t return requests for comment on its exports of Ukrainian crops.

“It’s like the war is feeding itself,” said Pascal Turlan, legal director at rights organization Project Expedite Justice, which is helping Ukrainian prosecutors investigate grain theft. “The illicit trade brings revenue to a Kremlin-sponsored patronage system, which in turn helps the conflict and the occupation to continue.”

The exact commercial value of Russia’s pilferage is difficult to determine amid the war’s chaos and Moscow’s subterfuge, but it is large. Since 2022, the operation has directly shipped at least 4 million tons of grain and other produce from occupied Ukraine to international markets, generating revenue of $800 million, said Markiyan Dmytrasevych, Ukraine’s deputy agriculture minister.

Much more has been exported by land or small ships, according to Ukrainian nonprofit organization Texty, which estimates the total value of grain taken by Russia in occupied territories could be as high as $6.4 billion.

The patronage take many forms. Three bulk vessels that export large volumes of illicit grain are owned through a chain of corporate entities by Russia’s state-run United Shipbuilding Corp., which also produced warships used to shell Ukrainian cities, according to the U.S. government.

A Russian company that exclusively sold grain from the occupied region of Zaporizhzhia donated 10 million rubles, or $111,000, to a battalion fighting in the province, according to a document obtained by KibOrg News, a Ukrainian project that documents Russian economic-looting activities in the occupied territories.

Moscow is also attacking Ukraine’s own grain exports. Late Wednesday, a Russian missile struck at a ship that was carrying Ukrainian wheat just after it had left a Black Sea port for Egypt, Ukraine’s president Volodymyr Zelensky said on his Telegram channel.

From farm to sea
Russia’s illicit agricultural trade begins on Ukrainian farms. Moscow’s forces either compel farmers to sell their crops at below-market prices or steal them, sometimes at gunpoint.

Bohdan Katerenyak, the manager of a silo in Kherson, a southern Ukrainian province conquered by Russia at the beginning of the war, said he was at work in August 2022 when men with machine guns, clad in balaclavas, entered his office.

“We have an order to take over,” one told him in a Chechen accent, handing him an identification card from the FSB, Russia’s domestic security service, Katerenyak said. A few days later, another man, also claiming to be an FSB agent, arrived and impounded the facility’s grain.

“They are bandits,” Katerenyak said of the men. Fearful, he fled to Ukrainian-controlled territory and later learned the silos had been emptied.

From farms like Katerenyak’s, produce is shipped by truck and rail to ports along the Black Sea, some on occupied Ukrainian territory.

Russian authorities say that in the first half of this year they sent 15 ships carrying 81,000 tons of wheat to Turkey from Mariupol, another city conquered during the war.

Turkey bans ships from occupied Ukrainian terminals and cooperates with Kyiv to block illicit trade, the country’s foreign-affairs officials said.

Separately, Ukrainian prosecutor Ihor Ponochovniy in June started tracking a Turkish-owned ship, the Usko MFU, which he suspected had carried stolen grain last year from the Crimean port of Sevastopol . Russia seized Crimea from Ukraine in 2014 and in 2022 linked it with occupied Kherson.

Ukraine’s border force in June told Ponochovniy the Usko MFU had entered Ukrainian waters. He issued a search warrant and police boarded it. Onboard they found records showing it had left Sevastopol last November for Turkey carrying 2,100 tons of crushed sunflower seeds and brown wheat potentially worth half a million dollars.

Investigators said they found onboard a message from the ship’s managers to the captain instructing him to conceal the cargo’s Crimean origin. Ukraine’s border force in July seized the Usko MFU.

The ship’s owner, USKO Shipping Management, didn’t respond to a request for comment. A lawyer representing the vessel’s captain declined to comment.

Mikhail Ganaga, a former professional wrestler and the son of a district governor in Crimea, is among a select group of collaborators who have profited from the grain theft.

Ganaga controls Agro-Fregat LLC, which delivers grain harvested in occupied territories and has shipped grain to Israel and two of its foes, Syria and Iran, according to trade and shipping records and Ganaga himself. Ganaga and Agro-Fregat didn’t return requests for comment.

Pressure to halt shipments

Ukraine is applying diplomatic pressure on importing countries, with some success. In the past two years, Egypt, Israel and Lebanon either canceled loadings or stopped buying grain cargoes after Ukrainian diplomats told them they had departed from Russian-occupied parts of Ukraine , according to Ukrainian officials.

Foreign Ministry spokesman Heorhiy Tykhiy said that Lebanon shifted to Ukrainian grain. Egypt has refused some grain shipments that originated in Russian-occupied territories of Ukraine, according to Ukraine’s military intelligence agency.

Russian allies Iran and Syria have said they won’t abide by sanctions. Iran has supplied the Kremlin deadly weaponry that enhanced Russia’s ability to hit military and civilian targets. This month, Tehran started to supply ballistic missiles to the Kremlin. Iranian politicians said they were in exchange for Russian grain.

Tehran buys barley in Crimea for $140 a ton, a 34% discount from market prices, said Kateryna Yaresko, an analyst at SeaKrime, a nonprofit project in Kyiv that tracks illegal shipments from Crimea and provides information to the Ukrainian authorities.

Traders in Russian-occupied territories are building ties with Tehran’s hard-line circles. Igor Rudetsky, a manager at a grain terminal in occupied Crimea, last year posted on his social-media accounts pictures of himself meeting representatives of Islamic Republic of Iran Shipping Lines, which is sanctioned by the U.S. for shipping weapons on behalf of Iran’s military and nuclear technologies.

Rudetsky, according to his posts, also visited Pars Holding, an agricultural company that is part of a foundation controlled by Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei . Rudetsky said by text message that he spoke to the companies as part of an international marketing campaign that also included China, India and Africa, though he says he doesn’t sell produce himself.

Rudetsky said grain exports from Russia aren’t restricted by international sanctions and that he bought the port “for real money” in a deal that was “legally impeccable.”

Russia deems Crimea its territory but other countries don’t and consider any exports from it illegal.

Yemen is a new market for Crimean exports. In June, a Russian state-controlled vessel, the Zafar, delivered grains to al-Salif, a port held by the Iranian-backed Houthi faction in Yemen, according to shipping and corporate records.

As Kyiv cracks down, exporters are adopting increasingly complex evasion tactics such as transferring grain to Russia and mixing it with legitimate products before reselling it on international markets. Ukrainian authorities are struggling to keep up.

“We need more people,” said Ponochovniy, the prosecutor.

Ukrainian prosecutors in Kharkiv are probing a trader that it suspects stole grain and resold cargoes to an Emirati company. Helios Plus drew prosecutors’ attention after it removed all 700 tons of grain left at a bread factory flour mill in the nearby town of Kupyansk when Russia seized it in August 2022.

Helios Plus didn’t respond to a request for comment.

The company in 2015 started selling grain out of areas of eastern Ukraine that had come under control of Russian-backed separatists, according to Russian records viewed by The Wall Street Journal. The records were obtained in an investigation by Project Expedite Justice.

The documents indicate Helios Plus took a large volume of grain from other occupied territories in the past two years. It then sold the grain to buyers in Turkey, the U.A.E. and as far as Costa Rica, according to customs declarations.

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