Go Woke, Go Broke? Not a Chance, Say Ben and Jerry
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    HOUSE MEDIAN ASKING PRICES AND WEEKLY CHANGE     Sydney $1,797,295 (-0.31%)       Melbourne $1,075,632 (-0.17%)       Brisbane $1,249,605 (-0.00%)       Adelaide $1,097,216 (-0.97%)       Perth $1,122,957 (-1.33%)       Hobart $865,909 (+0.08%)       Darwin $845,396 (-2.25%)       Canberra $1,062,919 (-0.56%)       National Capitals $1,207,421 (-0.51%)                UNIT MEDIAN ASKING PRICES AND WEEKLY CHANGE     Sydney $820,260 (+0.40%)       Melbourne $553,256 (+0.31%)       Brisbane $796,351 (-1.62%)       Adelaide $595,818 (+3.94%)       Perth $683,075 (-0.20%)       Hobart $581,624 (-0.60%)       Darwin $496,326 (+5.24%)       Canberra $499,963 (+0.25%)       National Capitals $650,385 (+0.27%)                HOUSES FOR SALE AND WEEKLY CHANGE     Sydney 13,543 (-93)       Melbourne 16,685 (+164)       Brisbane 7,546 (+68)       Adelaide 2,737 (+47)       Perth 5,954 (+96)       Hobart 847 (-33)       Darwin 130 (+7)       Canberra 1,219 (+19)       National Capitals 48,661 (+275)                UNITS FOR SALE AND WEEKLY CHANGE     Sydney 9,158 (-16)       Melbourne 6,926 (+89)       Brisbane 1,459 (-16)       Adelaide 413 (-7)       Perth 1,233 (+17)       Hobart 165 (+6)       Darwin 174 (-3)       Canberra 1,201 (+42)       National Capitals 20,729 (+112)                HOUSE MEDIAN ASKING RENTS AND WEEKLY CHANGE     Sydney $850 (+$10)       Melbourne $600 (+$5)       Brisbane $700 ($0)       Adelaide $650 ($0)       Perth $750 ($0)       Hobart $643 (-$8)       Darwin $720 (-$30)       Canberra $740 (+$20)       National Capitals $714 (+$)                UNIT MEDIAN ASKING RENTS AND WEEKLY CHANGE     Sydney $820 (+$10)       Melbourne $585 (+$5)       Brisbane $650 ($0)       Adelaide $550 ($0)       Perth $700 ($0)       Hobart $520 ($0)       Darwin $640 (+$30)       Canberra $595 ($0)       National Capitals $645 (+$6)                HOUSES FOR RENT AND WEEKLY CHANGE     Sydney 5,384 (-35)       Melbourne 6,776 (-135)       Brisbane 3,626 (-33)       Adelaide 1,453 (+34)       Perth 2,269 (+4)       Hobart 224 (+8)       Darwin 43 (-12)       Canberra 426 (+6)       National Capitals 20,201 (-163)                UNITS FOR RENT AND WEEKLY CHANGE     Sydney 8,462 (+24)       Melbourne 4,615 (+49)       Brisbane 1,888 (+11)       Adelaide 430 (+6)       Perth 659 (+2)       Hobart 79 (+1)       Darwin 74 (+2)       Canberra 650 (+1)       National Capitals 16,857 (+96)                HOUSE ANNUAL GROSS YIELDS AND TREND       Sydney 2.46% (↑)      Melbourne 2.90% (↑)      Brisbane 2.91% (↑)      Adelaide 3.08% (↑)      Perth 3.47% (↑)        Hobart 3.86% (↓)       Darwin 4.43% (↓)     Canberra 3.62% (↑)      National Capitals 3.08% (↑)             UNIT ANNUAL GROSS YIELDS AND TREND       Sydney 5.20% (↑)      Melbourne 5.50% (↑)      Brisbane 4.24% (↑)        Adelaide 4.80% (↓)     Perth 5.33% (↑)      Hobart 4.65% (↑)        Darwin 6.71% (↓)       Canberra 6.19% (↓)     National Capitals 5.16% (↑)             HOUSE RENTAL VACANCY RATES AND TREND       Sydney 1.4% (↑)      Melbourne 1.5% (↑)      Brisbane 1.2% (↑)      Adelaide 1.2% (↑)      Perth 1.0% (↑)        Hobart 0.5% (↓)       Darwin 0.7% (↓)     Canberra 1.6% (↑)      National Capitals $1.1% (↑)             UNIT RENTAL VACANCY RATES AND TREND       Sydney 1.4% (↑)      Melbourne 2.4% (↑)      Brisbane 1.5% (↑)      Adelaide 0.8% (↑)      Perth 0.9% (↑)      Hobart 1.2% (↑)        Darwin 1.4% (↓)     Canberra 2.7% (↑)      National Capitals $1.5% (↑)             AVERAGE DAYS TO SELL HOUSES AND TREND       Sydney 32.8 (↑)      Melbourne 32.3 (↑)      Brisbane 30.6 (↑)      Adelaide 26.4 (↑)      Perth 36.7 (↑)      Hobart 29.8 (↑)        Darwin 26.1 (↓)     Canberra 32.5 (↑)      National Capitals 30.9 (↑)             AVERAGE DAYS TO SELL UNITS AND TREND       Sydney 31.4 (↑)      Melbourne 30.6 (↑)      Brisbane 29.8 (↑)      Adelaide 24.1 (↑)      Perth 35.2 (↑)      Hobart 29.6 (↑)        Darwin 30.4 (↓)       Canberra 39.1 (↓)       National Capitals 31.3 (↓)           
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Go Woke, Go Broke? Not a Chance, Say Ben and Jerry

Still best friends, Ben & Jerry’s founders speak about mixing politics with business, the ice cream brand’s future and why Ozempic doesn’t worry them

By SAABIRA CHAUDHURI
Thu, Jun 27, 2024 9:01amGrey Clock 5 min

Ben Cohen and Jerry Greenfield are about as well known for their progressive politics as they are for quirky ice cream flavors like Chunky Monkey and Phish Food.

Their experiment in melding business with social justice for years seemed like a model that many in the corporate world were warming up to. And then attitudes cooled.

Some businesses have started to put less emphasis on the kinds of social and political issues that Ben & Jerry’s has championed. Certain investors have urged corporations to stick with what they know best.

For their part, the lifelong friends, both now 73 years old, say their style of corporate activism isn’t bad for business—just the opposite.

Most companies aren’t comfortable engaging with social issues because “they don’t want to potentially alienate customers,” says Greenfield. “The irony is for Ben & Jerry’s, that is what makes the company successful.”

Cohen and Greenfield say the brand is now at a crossroads after parent company Unilever said in March that it would spin off or sell its ice cream division , a move interpreted by some as the culmination of a failed experiment in mixing progressive politics with big business.

While Ben & Jerry’s has for decades worn its heart on its sleeve, some of the brand’s political pronouncements in recent years have angered certain consumers and investors. Cohen believes this is at least partly the reason for its owner’s decision to part ways. For Unilever, “Ben & Jerry’s creates a lot of problems,” he says.

Cohen and Greenfield, who still count as Unilever employees, say the upset is worth it.

The founders shared internal sales data with The Wall Street Journal that showed the brand had logged stronger sales growth than its parent’s broader ice cream business in three of the past five years. Neither side disclosed profit figures.

Unilever’s ice cream head, Peter ter Kulve , says that, “whilst we don’t always agree” with Ben & Jerry’s, the combination of the company’s leadership, the brand’s board and founders’ involvement has been successful.

Do Cohen and Greenfield think the brand could be better off with a new owner? “To have a values-aligned owner of Ben & Jerry’s would be a beautiful thing,” says Cohen.

Of all the multinationals that could have bought Ben & Jerry’s, Unilever—given its historic focus on sustainability—was seen as perhaps the best fit. But in recent years a marketing strategy aimed at imbuing all of Unilever’s brands with a social or environmental purpose fell flat . Unilever has since narrowed the strategy to a few big brands.

Both men earned millions from Unilever’s $326 million purchase of their ice cream brand and say the deal hasn’t been all bad. Unilever helped Ben & Jerry’s expand internationally—it is now sold in 43 countries—and figure out the nuts and bolts of building new factories. It also gave the brand a bigger platform to push its social mission, albeit less aggressively than the founders would have liked.

In recent years a handful of prominent brands have been hit by consumer boycotts after wading into the culture wars. Companies are also being presented with more investor proposals against environmental and social initiatives while some activists are taking companies to court over their diversity and inclusion pledges. The upshot is that companies, particularly in the U.S., are talking less about their ESG efforts.

Cohen and Greenfield say they understand the pressure public companies—including Unilever—are under to avoid thorny issues but think this limits their growth prospects. Consumers, particularly younger ones, expect brands to speak out about issues like war, racism and climate change, they say.

Frosty relations

Ben & Jerry’s began in 1978, when Cohen and Greenfield started selling ice cream out of a gas station in Burlington, Vt. They threw chunks of candy and nuts into partially frozen smooth ice cream largely because the heavily textured result appealed to Cohen, whose poor sense of smell impedes his ability to taste.

Alongside whimsically named flavours, social activism became a part of the brand’s identity early on. In 1988, Cohen and Greenfield launched Peace Pops, a chocolate-covered ice cream on a stick that advocated for cuts to U.S. military spending.

By the 90s, the brand had become one of America’s most recognisable brands, later that decade attracting takeover interest. Cohen and Greenfield say they didn’t want to sell but, as a public company, had to put Unilever’s offer to shareholders.

To keep the founders happy, Unilever agreed to let Ben & Jerry’s retain an independent board that would dictate the company’s social mission.

Despite this, “the first few years were rough,” remembers Cohen.

Unilever cut costs, making pints with less butterfat and using smaller, cheaper chunks. A proposed new flavor intended to celebrate Vermont’s law legalising civil unions for same-sex couples was scrapped.

Over the years, “the social mission rose or fell based on who the CEO was,” says Cohen. “If the CEO was into it, it prospered and if the CEO wasn’t it didn’t.”

Unilever preferred to attach its brands to more neutral causes , like reducing food waste or improving sanitation. Ben & Jerry’s, by contrast, publicly opposed what it described as Donald Trump’s “regressive agenda” by launching a flavour called Pecan Resist. It accused President Biden on social media of fanning the flames of war by sending troops to Europe after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

Tensions between the brand and its parent burst into public view soon after Ben & Jerry’s said it would halt sales in Jewish settlements in the Israeli-occupied West Bank and contested East Jerusalem in July 2021. It said selling in those settlements, considered illegal by much of the international community , was inconsistent with its values.

The move prompted some consumers to boycott Unilever’s brands, and U.S. pension funds to sell shares in the company.

Unilever tried to quell the furor by selling Ben & Jerry’s business in Israel without its permission. The brand then sued its parent , saying it had violated the acquisition agreement. The two sides eventually settled, but tensions persist.

“There is no other entity like Ben & Jerry’s at Unilever,” says Cohen. “They don’t understand it, they don’t really know how to deal with it and they want to run it like any other brand that they own.”

In January, Unilever prevented Ben & Jerry’s from calling for a cease-fire in Gaza, the founders say. The brand circumvented its parent by issuing a statement via its independent board.

How involved Cohen and Greenfield remain depends on to what extent any new owner permits the brand’s board to continue to pursue its social mission.

If bought by a finance-focused entity, Ben & Jerry’s will suffer, Cohen says. “They don’t realize the intangibles that are behind the numbers.”

Still eating ice cream

Born four days apart, Cohen and Greenfield have been best friends since seventh grade.

They live 2 miles from each other near Ben & Jerry’s headquarters in Vermont, and hang out regularly. “It’s more fun to do things together,” says Greenfield.

The pair have dabbled in various construction projects together, building a gazebo, cabin and bench in their free time. “It’s much more beautiful than your usual park bench,” qualifies Cohen. “We didn’t buy any lumber, we just cut down trees.”

They also get together to do physical therapy exercises to help their bad backs but dislike the dead bug, which involves lying on your back and raising and lowering opposite arms and legs.

Both men have remained involved with Ben & Jerry’s and get a salary from Unilever although they have no managerial or operational role at the company. They show up to franchisee meetings, scoop-shop openings and employee training sessions to shake hands and offer encouragement.

They see their main role as bringing visibility to causes the Ben & Jerry’s brand supports. They are currently lobbying to end qualified immunity , the controversial doctrine that says police officers and other officials can’t be sued for misconduct unless they have violated “clearly established” rights.

Recently, Unilever’s new chief executive, Hein Schumacher , visited Vermont, where he met the founders. Cohen describes him as a “nice guy” but says they didn’t spend a lot of time together. “I assume he’s a very good executive,” he says. “Business executive.”

The pair’s favourite flavours—Coconut Almond Fudge Chip for Greenfield and Mocha Walnut for Cohen—have long since hit “the flavour graveyard.” The coconut flavour wasn’t selling well enough while the mocha one drew lots of consumer complaints. “Half of them would say it had too much chocolate in it and the other half would say it had too much coffee,” says Cohen.

How worried are the founders that in an era of weight-loss drugs people could eat less ice cream?

Not at all, they say. Greenfield says people’s relationship with ice cream is about enjoyment or celebration, not nutrition. Still, people should eat ice cream in moderation. “You’re not supposed to eat a whole tub at once,” he says primly.

“I think you can eat a whole tub at once,” interjects Cohen. “You’re just not supposed to do it every day.”



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AUSTRALIA’S PROPERTY BOOM IS MASKING A DEEPER ECONOMIC PROBLEM

As housing drives wealth and policy debate, the real risk is an economy hooked on growth without productivity to sustain it.

By Paul Miron, Opinion
Fri, May 1, 2026 3 min

For decades, Australia has leaned into its reputation as the lucky country. But luck, as it turns out, is not an economic strategy. 

What once looked like resilience now appears increasingly fragile. Beneath the surface of rising property values and steady headline growth, the Australian economy is showing signs of strain that can no longer be ignored. 

Recent data paints a sobering picture. Australia has recorded one of the largest declines in real household disposable income per capita among advanced economies.  

Wages have failed to keep pace with inflation, meaning many Australians are working harder for less. On a per capita basis, income growth has stalled and, at times, reversed. 

And yet, on paper, things still look relatively solid. GDP is growing. Unemployment remains low. But that growth is increasingly being driven by population expansion rather than productivity.  

More people are contributing to output, but not necessarily improving living standards. 

That distinction matters. 

For years, Australia’s economic success rested on a powerful combination: a once-in-a-generation mining boom, a credit-fuelled housing market, strong migration and a property sector that rarely faltered. Between 1991 and 2020, the country avoided recession entirely, building enormous wealth in the process. 

But much of that wealth is tied to property. Around two-thirds of household wealth sits in real estate, inflated by leverage and sustained by demand. It has worked, until now. 

The problem is the supply side of the economy has not kept up. 

Housing supply is falling behind population growth. Rental vacancies are near record lows.  

Construction firms are collapsing at an elevated rate. At the same time, massive infrastructure pipelines are competing with residential projects for labour and materials, pushing costs higher and delaying delivery. 

The result is a system under pressure from all angles. 

Despite near full employment, productivity growth has stagnated for years. In simple terms, Australians are putting in more hours without generating more output per hour. The economy is running faster, butgoing nowhere. 

Meanwhile, government spending continues to expand. Public debt is approaching $1 trillion, with spending now accounting for a record share of GDP.  

The gap between spending and revenue has been filled by borrowing for decades, adding further pressure to an already stretched system. 

This is where the uncomfortable question emerges. 

Has Australia become too reliant on a model driven by rising property values, expanding credit and population growth? 

As asset prices rise, households feel wealthier and borrow more. Banks lend more. Governments collect more revenue. Migration fuels demand. The cycle reinforces itself. 

But when productivity stalls and debt outpaces real income, the system begins to depend on constant expansion just to stay stable. 

It is not a collapse scenario. But it is not particularly stable either. 

Nowhere is this more evident than in housing. 

The National Housing Accord targets 1.2 million new homes over five years, yet current completion rates are well below that pace. With approvals falling and construction costs rising, the gap between supply and demand is widening, not narrowing. 

Housing is also one of the largest contributors to inflation, with costs rising sharply across rents, construction and utilities. Yet the private sector, from small investors to major developers, is struggling to make projects stack up in the current environment. 

This brings the policy debate into sharper focus. 

Tax settings such as negative gearing and capital gains concessions have undoubtedly boosted demand over the past two decades. But they have also supported supply. Removing them may ease prices briefly, but risks deepening the supply shortage over time. 

That is the paradox. 

Policies designed to make housing more affordable can, in practice, make the shortage worse if they discourage development. The optics may appeal, but the economics are far less forgiving. 

It is also worth remembering that most property investors are not institutional players. The majority own just one investment property. They are, in many cases, ordinary Australians using real estate as their primary wealth-building tool. 

Undermining that system without replacing it with a viable alternative risks unintended consequences, from reduced supply to higher rents and increased inflation. 

So where does that leave Australia? 

At a crossroads. 

The country can continue to rely on population growth and rising asset prices to drive economic activity. Or it can shift towards a model built on productivity, innovation and sustainable growth. 

The latter is harder. It requires structural reform, long-term thinking and political discipline. 

But it is also the only path that leads to genuine, lasting prosperity. 

The question is no longer whether Australia has been lucky. 

It is whether it can evolve before that luck runs out. 

Paul Miron is the Co-Founder & Fund Manager of Msquared Capital. 

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