High-Earning Men Are Cutting Back on Their Working Hours
Kanebridge News
    HOUSE MEDIAN ASKING PRICES AND WEEKLY CHANGE     Sydney $1,797,295 (-0.31%)       Melbourne $1,075,632 (-0.17%)       Brisbane $1,249,605 (-0.00%)       Adelaide $1,097,216 (-0.97%)       Perth $1,122,957 (-1.33%)       Hobart $865,909 (+0.08%)       Darwin $845,396 (-2.25%)       Canberra $1,062,919 (-0.56%)       National Capitals $1,207,421 (-0.51%)                UNIT MEDIAN ASKING PRICES AND WEEKLY CHANGE     Sydney $820,260 (+0.40%)       Melbourne $553,256 (+0.31%)       Brisbane $796,351 (-1.62%)       Adelaide $595,818 (+3.94%)       Perth $683,075 (-0.20%)       Hobart $581,624 (-0.60%)       Darwin $496,326 (+5.24%)       Canberra $499,963 (+0.25%)       National Capitals $650,385 (+0.27%)                HOUSES FOR SALE AND WEEKLY CHANGE     Sydney 13,543 (-93)       Melbourne 16,685 (+164)       Brisbane 7,546 (+68)       Adelaide 2,737 (+47)       Perth 5,954 (+96)       Hobart 847 (-33)       Darwin 130 (+7)       Canberra 1,219 (+19)       National Capitals 48,661 (+275)                UNITS FOR SALE AND WEEKLY CHANGE     Sydney 9,158 (-16)       Melbourne 6,926 (+89)       Brisbane 1,459 (-16)       Adelaide 413 (-7)       Perth 1,233 (+17)       Hobart 165 (+6)       Darwin 174 (-3)       Canberra 1,201 (+42)       National Capitals 20,729 (+112)                HOUSE MEDIAN ASKING RENTS AND WEEKLY CHANGE     Sydney $850 (+$10)       Melbourne $600 (+$5)       Brisbane $700 ($0)       Adelaide $650 ($0)       Perth $750 ($0)       Hobart $643 (-$8)       Darwin $720 (-$30)       Canberra $740 (+$20)       National Capitals $714 (+$)                UNIT MEDIAN ASKING RENTS AND WEEKLY CHANGE     Sydney $820 (+$10)       Melbourne $585 (+$5)       Brisbane $650 ($0)       Adelaide $550 ($0)       Perth $700 ($0)       Hobart $520 ($0)       Darwin $640 (+$30)       Canberra $595 ($0)       National Capitals $645 (+$6)                HOUSES FOR RENT AND WEEKLY CHANGE     Sydney 5,384 (-35)       Melbourne 6,776 (-135)       Brisbane 3,626 (-33)       Adelaide 1,453 (+34)       Perth 2,269 (+4)       Hobart 224 (+8)       Darwin 43 (-12)       Canberra 426 (+6)       National Capitals 20,201 (-163)                UNITS FOR RENT AND WEEKLY CHANGE     Sydney 8,462 (+24)       Melbourne 4,615 (+49)       Brisbane 1,888 (+11)       Adelaide 430 (+6)       Perth 659 (+2)       Hobart 79 (+1)       Darwin 74 (+2)       Canberra 650 (+1)       National Capitals 16,857 (+96)                HOUSE ANNUAL GROSS YIELDS AND TREND       Sydney 2.46% (↑)      Melbourne 2.90% (↑)      Brisbane 2.91% (↑)      Adelaide 3.08% (↑)      Perth 3.47% (↑)        Hobart 3.86% (↓)       Darwin 4.43% (↓)     Canberra 3.62% (↑)      National Capitals 3.08% (↑)             UNIT ANNUAL GROSS YIELDS AND TREND       Sydney 5.20% (↑)      Melbourne 5.50% (↑)      Brisbane 4.24% (↑)        Adelaide 4.80% (↓)     Perth 5.33% (↑)      Hobart 4.65% (↑)        Darwin 6.71% (↓)       Canberra 6.19% (↓)     National Capitals 5.16% (↑)             HOUSE RENTAL VACANCY RATES AND TREND       Sydney 1.4% (↑)      Melbourne 1.5% (↑)      Brisbane 1.2% (↑)      Adelaide 1.2% (↑)      Perth 1.0% (↑)        Hobart 0.5% (↓)       Darwin 0.7% (↓)     Canberra 1.6% (↑)      National Capitals $1.1% (↑)             UNIT RENTAL VACANCY RATES AND TREND       Sydney 1.4% (↑)      Melbourne 2.4% (↑)      Brisbane 1.5% (↑)      Adelaide 0.8% (↑)      Perth 0.9% (↑)      Hobart 1.2% (↑)        Darwin 1.4% (↓)     Canberra 2.7% (↑)      National Capitals $1.5% (↑)             AVERAGE DAYS TO SELL HOUSES AND TREND       Sydney 32.8 (↑)      Melbourne 32.3 (↑)      Brisbane 30.6 (↑)      Adelaide 26.4 (↑)      Perth 36.7 (↑)      Hobart 29.8 (↑)        Darwin 26.1 (↓)     Canberra 32.5 (↑)      National Capitals 30.9 (↑)             AVERAGE DAYS TO SELL UNITS AND TREND       Sydney 31.4 (↑)      Melbourne 30.6 (↑)      Brisbane 29.8 (↑)      Adelaide 24.1 (↑)      Perth 35.2 (↑)      Hobart 29.6 (↑)        Darwin 30.4 (↓)       Canberra 39.1 (↓)       National Capitals 31.3 (↓)           
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High-Earning Men Are Cutting Back on Their Working Hours

While most U.S. workers are putting in fewer hours, men in the top 10% of earners cut back their time on the job the most, according to a new study

By Courtney Vinopal
Fri, Jan 27, 2023 7:58amGrey Clock 4 min

American workers have cut the number of hours they spend in their jobs since 2019, but no group has dialled back its time on the clock more than young, high-earning men whose jobs typically demand long hours.

The top-earning 10% of men in the U.S. labor market logged 77 fewer work hours in 2022, on average, than those in the same earnings group in 2019, according to a new study of federal data by the economics department at Washington University in St. Louis. That translates to 1.5 hours less time on the job each workweek, or a 3% reduction in hours. Over the same three-year period, the top-earning 10% of women cut back time at work by 29 hours, which translates to about half an hour less work each week, or a 1% reduction.

High-earning men in the 25-to-39 age range who could be described as “workaholics” were pulling back, often by choice, says Yongseok Shin, a professor of economics, who co-wrote the paper. Since this group already put in longer hours than the typical U.S. worker—and women at the highest income levels—these high earners had longer work days to trim, Dr. Shin says, and still worked more hours than the average.

The drop in working hours among high-earning men and women helps explain why the U.S. job market is even tighter than what would be expected given the current levels of unemployment and labour force participation, Dr. Shin says.

“These are the people who have that bargaining power,” Dr. Shin says of the leverage many workers have had over their employers in a tight job market. “They have the privilege to decide how many hours they want to work without worrying too much about their economic livelihood.”

The paper published by the National Bureau of Economic Research, which isn’t yet peer reviewed, suggests high earners were more likely to benefit from flexible working arrangements, which could be a factor in reduced work hours.

Before the pandemic, Eli Albrecht, a lawyer in the Washington, D.C., area, says he worked between 80 to 90 hours a week. Now, he says he puts in 60 to 70 hours each week. That’s still more than most men in America, who averaged 40.5 hours a week in 2021, according to federal data.

Mr. Albrecht’s schedule changed when he shared Zoom school duties for two of his young children with his wife. He’s maintained the reduced hours because it’s making his relationship more equitable, he says, and gives him family time.

“I used to feel—and a lot of dads used to feel—that just by providing for the family financially, that was sufficient. And it’s just not,” Mr. Albrecht says.

The downshift documented by Dr. Shin and his colleagues occurred as many professionals have been reassessing their ambitions and the value of working long hours. Emboldened by a strong job market, millions of Americans quit their jobs in search of better hours and more flexibility.

Overall, U.S. employees worked 18 fewer hours a year, on average, in 2022 compared with 2019, with employed men putting in 28 fewer hours last year and employed women cutting their time by nine hours, data from the U.S. Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey show. The average male worker put in 2,006 hours last year, while the average female worker logged 1,758 hours.

Separate data from the Census Bureau suggests that men with families, in particular, are working less. Between 2019 and 2021, married men devoted roughly 13 fewer minutes, on average, to work each day, according to the American Time Use Survey, which hasn’t yet published 2022 figures. They spent more time on socialising and relaxing, as well as household activities, according to men surveyed by the Census Bureau. The amount of time unmarried men spent on work changed little during that same period.

As high-earning workers in the U.S. cut back, low-wage workers increased their hours, according to Dr. Shin’s research. The bottom-earning 10% of working men logged 41 hours more in 2022, on average, than in 2019. Women in the lowest earning group boosted their hours worked by 52 last year compared with 2019.

While women work fewer hours than men, the unpaid labor they perform outside of their jobs has been well documented. Many working mothers take what’s termed a “second shift,” devoting more time outside work hours to child care and housework.

Maryann B. Zaki, a mother of three who has worked at several firms, including in big law, recently launched her own practice in Houston, giving her more control over her hours. She says she’s noticed more men in her field opting for reduced schedules, sometimes working 80% of the hours normally expected—which can range from 40 to more than 80 a week—in exchange for a 20% pay cut. For the average lawyer, that would amount to a salary reduction of tens of thousands of dollars each year; such arrangements were initially offered to aid working mothers.

Responding to new expectations of work-life balance may be particularly vexing for industries already facing staffing shortages, such as those in medicine. Dr. Lotte Dyrbye, the chief well-being officer for the University of Colorado School of Medicine, said she often hears from early-career physicians and other medical professionals who want to work fewer hours to avoid burnout.

These medical workers are deciding that to be in it for the long haul requires a day every week or two to decompress, Dr. Dyrbye says. But as staff cut back their hours, it costs medical organisations money and may compromise access to care.



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By Paul Miron, Opinion
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For decades, Australia has leaned into its reputation as the lucky country. But luck, as it turns out, is not an economic strategy. 

What once looked like resilience now appears increasingly fragile. Beneath the surface of rising property values and steady headline growth, the Australian economy is showing signs of strain that can no longer be ignored. 

Recent data paints a sobering picture. Australia has recorded one of the largest declines in real household disposable income per capita among advanced economies.  

Wages have failed to keep pace with inflation, meaning many Australians are working harder for less. On a per capita basis, income growth has stalled and, at times, reversed. 

And yet, on paper, things still look relatively solid. GDP is growing. Unemployment remains low. But that growth is increasingly being driven by population expansion rather than productivity.  

More people are contributing to output, but not necessarily improving living standards. 

That distinction matters. 

For years, Australia’s economic success rested on a powerful combination: a once-in-a-generation mining boom, a credit-fuelled housing market, strong migration and a property sector that rarely faltered. Between 1991 and 2020, the country avoided recession entirely, building enormous wealth in the process. 

But much of that wealth is tied to property. Around two-thirds of household wealth sits in real estate, inflated by leverage and sustained by demand. It has worked, until now. 

The problem is the supply side of the economy has not kept up. 

Housing supply is falling behind population growth. Rental vacancies are near record lows.  

Construction firms are collapsing at an elevated rate. At the same time, massive infrastructure pipelines are competing with residential projects for labour and materials, pushing costs higher and delaying delivery. 

The result is a system under pressure from all angles. 

Despite near full employment, productivity growth has stagnated for years. In simple terms, Australians are putting in more hours without generating more output per hour. The economy is running faster, butgoing nowhere. 

Meanwhile, government spending continues to expand. Public debt is approaching $1 trillion, with spending now accounting for a record share of GDP.  

The gap between spending and revenue has been filled by borrowing for decades, adding further pressure to an already stretched system. 

This is where the uncomfortable question emerges. 

Has Australia become too reliant on a model driven by rising property values, expanding credit and population growth? 

As asset prices rise, households feel wealthier and borrow more. Banks lend more. Governments collect more revenue. Migration fuels demand. The cycle reinforces itself. 

But when productivity stalls and debt outpaces real income, the system begins to depend on constant expansion just to stay stable. 

It is not a collapse scenario. But it is not particularly stable either. 

Nowhere is this more evident than in housing. 

The National Housing Accord targets 1.2 million new homes over five years, yet current completion rates are well below that pace. With approvals falling and construction costs rising, the gap between supply and demand is widening, not narrowing. 

Housing is also one of the largest contributors to inflation, with costs rising sharply across rents, construction and utilities. Yet the private sector, from small investors to major developers, is struggling to make projects stack up in the current environment. 

This brings the policy debate into sharper focus. 

Tax settings such as negative gearing and capital gains concessions have undoubtedly boosted demand over the past two decades. But they have also supported supply. Removing them may ease prices briefly, but risks deepening the supply shortage over time. 

That is the paradox. 

Policies designed to make housing more affordable can, in practice, make the shortage worse if they discourage development. The optics may appeal, but the economics are far less forgiving. 

It is also worth remembering that most property investors are not institutional players. The majority own just one investment property. They are, in many cases, ordinary Australians using real estate as their primary wealth-building tool. 

Undermining that system without replacing it with a viable alternative risks unintended consequences, from reduced supply to higher rents and increased inflation. 

So where does that leave Australia? 

At a crossroads. 

The country can continue to rely on population growth and rising asset prices to drive economic activity. Or it can shift towards a model built on productivity, innovation and sustainable growth. 

The latter is harder. It requires structural reform, long-term thinking and political discipline. 

But it is also the only path that leads to genuine, lasting prosperity. 

The question is no longer whether Australia has been lucky. 

It is whether it can evolve before that luck runs out. 

Paul Miron is the Co-Founder & Fund Manager of Msquared Capital. 

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